Seizing Malaysia’s Moment

Malaysia’s historic May 9 election was dramatic, sweeping and unprecedented. A ruling party in power with seemingly impregnable advantages was ousted through the ballot box. There was no extra constitutional uprising, as in the Philippines in 1986, no military coup as in neighboring Thailand, no rioting and turmoil as in Indonesia in 1998. The curtain was pulled aside and suddenly the mighty Barisan Nasional and its main component party, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), was shown to be vulnerable, its Achilles’ heel of corruption rendering it weak, at least for now.

Much of the credit must go to the new prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad, who has stunned the world with his return to power at the age of 92. A Malay nationalist, he forged a reputation for building the economy — and acting harshly against his opponents — during his long tenure as premier from 1981 to 2003. His moves against former prime minister Najib Razak in recent years set the stage for what was to come. Ultimately, the leadership of Anwar Ibrahim’s Parti Keadilan Rakyat joined forces to form the Pakatan Harapan Coalition led by Mahathir. Behind the scenes, weariness with Malaysia’s deteriorating national image under the scandal-plagued Najib government enhanced domestic and international support for change.

Immediately after a result that few predicted, fears that the military might intervene or a state of emergency be declared soon evaporated. The system in place actually worked. The hereditary rulers supported the outcome and the transformation has been as peaceful and orderly as it has been stunning. From the police raids on Najib’s homes to the rapid release of Anwar from prison on charges of sodomy, the extraordinary has become ordinary in Malaysia.

The changes also buck a dismal regional trend. Thailand has become a stage-managed military state, the Philippines under Rodrigo Duterte is unwinding democratic freedoms won over a period of decades, Hun Sen in Cambodia has cemented his autocratic rule. But in Malaysia, long among the most repressive states in Southeast Asia, a vibrant free press driven by social media is reasserting itself and citizens feel empowered to speak out.

Malaysia will face a great many challenges in this new era. High public expectations may overwhelm the capacity of the new government to deliver on its promises. In addition, the Malay nationalism and strongman tendencies in Mahathir’s political past may be a hindrance. Further, accommodating Anwar’s desires could prove difficult, and the sooner he becomes part of the government the better it will be for the new prime minister. This does not minimize the historic change, but it is important to reduce euphoric expectations. The primary purpose of this essay is to draw attention to the need for political development in the country to proceed on the basis that ultimately sovereignty resides in the people.

The outcome of the last general election — GE 14 in local shorthand — should be used to push through some hitherto unimaginable (and, to some, unpalatable) policies to ensure the long-term health of the country. Mahathir has said that the economy will be his priority. This would include replacing the unpopular General Sales Tax (GST) with the previous Sales and Services Tax (SST), trimming the national debt, cutting back on excessive government expenditure, increasing transparency in government procurement and instituting better management of the economy. The Merdeka Center pre-election survey indicated that the high cost of living was a primary concern of voters.

At the same time, it is important to recognize the basis on which the election was contested. The differences between the Pakatan Harapan coalition and Barisan Nasional were not limited to economic and financial policies but extended to fundamental political issues including clean government and the basis for the Malaysian nation. The government must not lose sight of the reform agenda. I am not arguing that economic growth and development are unimportant, only that it is equally if not more important to address political development issues that will have a long-term effect on the health and economy of the country.

It should be noted here that in the absence of political development, it will be difficult to sustain economic growth. The Brazilian economy, one of the five BRICS economies, for example, has become a victim of a politically induced crisis in that country. Recovery and development there hinges on resolution of the political conflict that induced the crisis in the first place. In Malaysia, whether one agrees or disagrees with the pro-Malay New Economic Policy, it was formulated on the assumption that a Bumiputra affirmative-action policy would spur stability and economic growth. Malaysia is not alone in this dilemma — political development has been ignored by most Asian countries in favor of economic growth.

Mahathir’s previous vision to create a developed country by 2020, for example, was increasingly interpreted by the Najib government in economic terms. But a truly democratic Malaysia should be an integral part of becoming a developed country. Conveniently, the Najib government focused on becoming a high-income economy as the overriding goal of the 2020 vision. It is crucial to avoid the same mistake. The focus must be on both political and economic development. One cannot be sacrificed for the other. It is clear from numerous cases in Asia that economic growth and development alone cannot resolve political disputes and conflicts. Asia is strewn with countries that confront deep crises as a consequence of outdated notions of nation, state and sovereignty. By focusing on political development, Malaysia can become a beacon for countries confronting political (and economic) challenges rooted in dated conceptions of nation, state and sovereignty.

Political development can occur in many ways. Here we focus on three crucial elements: making a strong nation; building an effective, politically neutral state to implement government policies; and consolidating democratic governance.

By Muthiah Alagappa, a distinguished Scholar in Residence at American Univ. in Washington, DC.